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Castro aimed at Reich, but Bush was his
target
Carlos Alberto Montaner,
The
Miami
Herald
When President Bush was elected, Fidel
Castro perceived that triumph as a
dangerous threat. Bush was the first
American president to speak Spanish -- or
something like it -- and he swore that his
priority was the United States' relations
with Mexico and the rest of Latin America.
Earlier, Bill Clinton's two terms had
elapsed amid a great indifference toward
the region, a ''benign negligence'' that
allowed Havana to initiate a strong
neopopulist trend -- profoundly
anti-American -- around the so-called ''Sao
Paulo forum,'' an international gathering of
pro-communist political parties and groups
that are enemies of the market economy and
democratic rules.
Castro's alarm was short-lived. When Bush
appointed his Cabinet, Castro, who believes
himself an ''Americanologist,'' realized
that only one official could become an
obstacle to his plans for political
expansion: Undersecretary of State Otto
Reich, a Cuban-born diplomat ready to defend
Bush's anti-communist policy.
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and
Secretary of State Colin Powell seemed to
worry only about European and Middle Eastern
affairs -- terrorism had not yet
monopolized the attention of American
society -- and knew nothing about events in
Latin America.
Castro had even read, with much pleasure, a
speech made by Powell in 1995 in which the
former general advocated a lifting of the
embargo and a later statement where Powell
acknowledged the ''positive
accomplishments'' of the revolution.
Clearly, Powell did not have a militantly
hostile attitude toward the Cuban
dictatorship. Like many other Americans,
Powell thought that Castro's death and the
passing of time would contribute to solving
the conflicts between the two nations.
This analysis immediately dictated the
''active measures'' taken by the Cuban
government. Castro's strategy was to launch
a ''character assassination'' campaign to
ruin Reich's image. That's what Spanish
Army gunners call an ''elevation shot.''
You aim at Reich, but the real target is
Bush.
Without Reich in the State Department, there
would be no one to counteract the offensive
against the Free Trade Area of the
Americas,
to condemn the Cuban dictatorship or create
a coherent response to the anti-American,
anti-market propaganda that flowed from
Havana and spread through the party
grapevine organized by
Cuba
from Mexico to Argentina, with special
emphasis in Brazil.
The men assigned to demolish Reich's image
were Gen. Eduardo Delgado Izquierdo, chief
of the Interior Ministry's General
Directorate of Intelligence, and Rolando
Alfonso Borges of the Central Committee of
the Communist Party. They immediately began
to spread defamatory reports to try to
discredit Reich. They accused him of being a
''warmonger,'' a ''terrorist'' and a
''Miami mafioso.'' Actually, those who knew
Reich in Venezuela, where he was U.S.
ambassador from 1986 to 1989, remember him
as a moderate and discreet man who limited
himself to carrying out the instructions of
his government.
The attacks against Reich were generated in
Havana but were carried out in the United
States by Bush's enemies. One of them was
Sen. Christopher Dodd, D.-Conn., over whose
special assistant, Janice O'Connell, Havana
hoped to exert a strong influence. Dodd was
insistent on pushing Reich away from
inter-American affairs. He didn't care what
other section Reich could be transferred
to. Where Reich got in his way was Latin
America. Other senators, like Michael Enzi,
R-Wyo., and Byron Dorgan, D-N.D., sided with
Dodd. Both agreed on one point: They
believed that the embargo against Cuba
would be progressively repealed if no one
in the State Department were to defend it,
and both came from states that planned to
export meat and grain to the island.
Finally, Powell gave in. There had been
friction between Powell and Reich because
of a step taken by Reich at the request of
an FBI obsessed with U.S. security: to deny
a visa to a Cuban intelligence officer,
Pedro Alvarez, and to expel four Cuban
diplomats who maintained a criminal
relationship with an American spy in the
Pentagon who reported to
Havana.
The spy, Ana Belen Montes, was recently
sentenced to 25 years in prison for her
activities.
The FBI wanted to expel 14 Cubans. At the
State Department, an attitude of
appeasement prevailed.
When Reich left his job as undersecretary of
state for hemisphere affairs, Cuban
officials toasted with rum. The statement
attributed to Castro has the ring of the
comandante in a moment of euphoria: ''Bush's
hands are now outside Latin America.'' He
didn't even mention Reich. The enemy that
needed to be neutralized was Bush.
And Castro has achieved this, unless the
president and Powell recognize the trap
they've fallen into.
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