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Brazil
and
Cuba:
More than Good Friends
Janer Cristaldo. Brazzil - Nation - June
2003.
Chief of Staff, José Dirceu, says that the
generation who came to power with President
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is in debt with
Cuba. Dirceu also reminds us that the
Brazilian Left, during the years of the
military regime, could always count on
Cuba-on its solidarity, its "friendly hand"
and its "strong arm". "I consider myself a
Cuban Brazilian and a Brazilian Cuban", he
says.
Does anyone remember the 1970s, when you
could be labeled an 'imperialist pig' for
denouncing Cuba as the financier of the
so-called 'revolutionary movements' in
Brazil? The connections between Cuba and the
Brazilian left-not only Cuba, by the way,
but also Moscow, Beijing, Algiers and
Prague-were obvious, but one was doomed and
immediately blacklisted by the Left for
daring to state the obvious. If you wrote
for a living, publishing houses suddenly
vanished. If you were a journalist,
newspapers disappeared.
A literary genre was actually born at the
time-Cuban travel journals. Bookstores built
special shelves to welcome it. The vein
started with Fernando Morais, in 1976, with
A Ilha (The Island), a book that became the
icon of the Left and quickly hit the
bestseller list. Of course the book never
mentioned Castro's assassinations, torture,
dictatorship or the thousands of political
prisoners.
Later, Fernando Morais also wrote Olga,
supposedly a biography of a female officer
in the Red Army who was posted in Brazil by
order of Stalin. The author saw Olga as a
hero and a martyr-a victim of Getúlio Vargas
and the Nazis. Morais collected a handsome
profit with his literature, very much
appreciated at the time. His editors,
too-after all, there is no law in this
country against publishing books containing
lies. Now we hear that Morais is writing a
biography of right-wing senator Antônio
Carlos Magalhães. What's wrong with that, if
it pays well?
But I was talking about
Cuba.
It was also in very bad taste at the time to
say that somebody was an agent of the Cuban
government. Or that Cuba supplied arms and
training to Brazilian guerillas. Of course
that was then. Right now,
however-surprise!-we have a known agent of
the Cuban security services, José Dirceu,
who took office as the president's Chief of
Staff, declaring loud and clear that the
generation who came to power with President
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva is in debt with
Cuba. Dirceu also reminds us that the
Brazilian Left, during the years of the
military regime, could always count on
Cuba-on its solidarity, its "friendly hand"
and its "strong arm". "I consider myself a
Cuban Brazilian and a Brazilian Cuban", he
says.
To be more precise: the Chief of Staff of
the Brazilian presidency admits, for the
whole world to listen, that the ascension of
the PT (Workers Party) to power is due to
the good efforts of the oldest dictatorship
in the continent. He forgot, of course-or
purposefully declined to mention-that even
before the military took power in Brazil,
Cuba was already sending arms to our
guerrillas. This is actually the touchstone
of the PT. One should never admit that the
intervention by Cuba happened before 1964
[year of the revolution in
Brazil,
when the military took power]. For the PT to
admit such a fact would be to have its
argument crumble to the ground-that the
guerilla was a reaction to the military
regime. In fact, however, what happened was
the exact opposite.
Nothing like power to loosen the tongue of
the people holding it. The timing is
tragically significant, too, with the news
of the 78 Cuban "dissidents" arrested last
March, now convicted and facing prison terms
ranging from ten years to life. Dissidents,
of course, is the press's favorite euphemism
to designate political opponents, human
rights' militants, independent writers and
journalists. (If you read newspapers, you
must have noticed that dissidents exist only
in socialist countries). >
Diplomats and foreign journalists have tried
to obtain permits to watch the proceedings
in
Havana,
but they were denied access to the courts.
This is the Cuba to which our PT owes its
victory, according to our Cuba-Brazilian
José Dirceu. The same Cuba who sends to
prison any person opposed to the regime. In
Europe
and in the
U.S. there is protest coming from both the
press and human rights' organizations
against the escalation of the dictatorship.
In
Brazil,
however, there is a deep silence.
As if it were not enough to watch the
heartfelt homage rendered to the Cuban
dictatorship by our Chief of Staff, the news
from the Berlin film festival is that Oliver
Stone has just launched the most recent
hagiology to the dictator, entitled
Comandante. During three days, the American
filmmaker followed the dictator-pardon me,
the 'Cuban leader'-around, and the result is
a 90-minute documentary. Questioned about
the practice of torture in Cuba, Castro
denied its existence. Would the filmmaker
ever expect el Comandante to admit being a
torturer?
The question should, instead, have been
answered by the so-called dissidents, but
these are characters that Stone did not
bother to interview. As to his status as a
dictator, something the Brazilian press
barely dares mentioning, Castro seems ready
to admit to it. "Is it that bad to be a
dictator?"-is the question at the end of the
movie. El Comandante thinks not. "I have
seen States become very good friends with
some dictators". A favorite icon of the
press, Castro can now permit himself the
luxury of admitting to it. He is
untouchable.
As if the piece from Oliver Stone-a film to
be surely seen and cheered by the great
friend and admirer of Castro, president Luiz
Inácio Lula da Silva-were not enough, the
Brazilian people are about to finance Os
Diários da Motocicleta (The Motorcycle
Diaries), the new road movie from Walter
Salles. When the time comes to secure the
money to produce his movies, this gentleman,
who comes from a family of bankers, doesn't
go to Daddy's bank for financing-instead, he
goes to the pockets of Brazilian taxpayers.
The screenplay is based on the book De Moto
pela América do Sul (South America on a
Motorbike), a memoir about a trip taken by
Che Guevara throughout the continent at a
time when the future Argentinean apparatchik
under Moscow's orders, then 23 years old,
could never even dream that one day he would
be celebrated as a saint, San Ernesto de la
Higuera. If you ever feel like reading a
compilation of failures, please read a
biography of Che. This is a man who failed
in all his projects, except in Cuba-this
same Cuba which, half a century after its
struggle, keeps sending to prison anyone who
dares to oppose the will of the island's
sovereign. In other words, Che's sole
victory resulted in a colossal disaster.
As if this homage to the collector of flops,
which will surely be used as pedagogical
materials for the Comunidades Eclesiais de
Base (Grassroots Church Communities) and for
the Catholic guerillas of MST (the Landless
Party), were not enough, Ediouro
(publishers) is releasing Outra Vez (Again),
a continuation of the journal of the man
who, not content with bringing an island to
disaster, wanted to drown the whole
continent. The journey begins in 1953, in
Bolivia, and ends up in Mexico, where Che
would meet Fidel Castro, in 1956. In these
days of the PT in power, it now looks like
we'll have a revival of the 70s. With
African History becoming a mandatory subject
in our schools, it would not be surprising
to see some nostalgic widow proposing a new
school subject-Cuban History-to help wash
the brains of emerging generations.
Ours is a sad country. It has been 14 years
since the fall of the Berlin Wall and 12
years since the crumbling down of the
Soviet Union.
Extraneous to the history being made under
their noses, our elites insist in worshiping
the last petrified residues of a doctrine
that caused the death of a mere hundred
million people during the last century.
Janer Cristaldo-he holds a PhD from
University
of
Paris,
Sorbonne-is an author, translator, lawyer,
philosopher and journalist and suffers
São Paulo.
His e-mail address is cristal@baguete.com.br
Translated by Tereza Braga, email:
tbragaling@cs.com
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